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Introduction |
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Charles T. Wolfe (University of Sydney)
– attributed to Antonio Gramsci.[1]
Why should philosophy be concerned with monsters? If this term referred solely to mythical figures such as griffins, gorgons or chimeras, that is, creatures of our imagination, they would be the object of philosophical inquiries into the faculties of the mind and their productions, and by extension, the demarcation between reason, madness and myth. But if we actually open a work of early modern philosophy[2] – by Michel de Montaigne, Francis Bacon, Nicolas Malebranche, John Locke or Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, to name a few – without a predetermined sense of what we are looking for (such as the usual, mildly anachronistic topics: the theory of ideas, the status of experiments, or perhaps the defense of a ‘position’ on substance, causality and the like), we will be struck by the presence of a different kind of monster: hairy men, “Changelings,” “Drills,”[3] conjoined twins or even children bearing on their faces the marks of objects their mothers had coveted. At the heart of early modern metaphysics, as already (but differently) in Aristotle, we find a concern with Nature ‘missing its target’ and producing non-viable forms, a concern in which metaphysical considerations of genus, form and essence, necessity and accident collide with emerging biological science, producing what one might call an ‘ontology of the biological world’. Are these anomalies a threat to order itself? “Where do anomalies end and monstrosities begin?”[4] In order to answer this question, philosophy has to enter into the fray of debates on form, species, and the mechanisms of generation themselves. As Jean Céard pointed out in his study of monsters in the Renaissance,[5] most classic treatises on generation in that period devoted a chapter to monsters.[6] This may be because accidents in the course of generation, such as the development of the embryo, call into question basic intuitions about organic life as a source of order.[7] Indeed, such accidents challenge the idea of Nature as something regular and law-like – as a source of order, a cosmos. As the young Darwin put it, “If all forms freely crossed, nature would be a chaos.”[8] But of course, inasmuch as these anomalies seem to cross species boundaries, from the wolf-man to the monk-calf (Munchkalb), they also threaten our sense of what it is to be human, as appears in this remark by the sixteenth-century traveler and essayist Pierre Boaistuau: I remember that St. Augustine, in his book The City of God, makes mention of sundry monsters or strange forms, found in deserts or elsewhere, whereupon grew a question, whether they were descended of the first man Adam, or had a reasonable soul or not…[9] Since our judgment about what constitutes a “strange form” or an extreme case of hairiness or deformity is of course dependent on our perception, there has been a long tradition of approaching the problem of monsters from the viewpoint of ‘philosophical anthropology’, focusing on our perception of normality and abnormality, and usually revealing that it is constructed (socially, historically, culturally) or structured according to polarities (symbolic, psychoanalytic, etc.). This approach can be said to have its first ‘patient’ in Aristotle, who infamously declared that even a child who does not resemble its parents is already a kind of monster, closely followed by ‘woman’ as ‘the monster of man’.[10] It informs many of the interesting works on monsters that have appeared in recent years.[11] But the approach taken here is neither a study of myth, or of perception, nor even of ‘moral monstrosity’, despite the relevance the latter might have to philosophical inquiry. This will become clearer if I specify how this project came to be. It did not begin with the contemplation of gargoyles on the façade of a cathedral, a painting such as Hieronymus Bosch’s “Garden of Earthly Delights,” or a disturbing anatomical collection like Peter the Great’s Kunstkammer, his chamber of curiosities in St. Petersburg. Rather, it began with an interest in materialist thought in the French Enlightenment, and the realization that this episode, particularly Diderot’s masterpiece, D’Alembert’s Dream (c. 1769), was permeated with monsters, in its drive to ‘apprehend’ the emerging biological sciences – a drive which had a pronounced polemical and radical dimension.[12] Rather than just being ‘naturalized’ away, monsters seemed to be stubbornly present in this philosophical episode, whether as transitional figures on the way to a ‘positive science’ of teratology – as in Fontenelle’s comment that monsters, which were hitherto regarded as “games of nature” (lusus naturæ), must now be considered as part and parcel of ‘serious Nature’ with its rules and regularities[13] – or as a more metaphysical challenge of the sort glimpsed by Darwin, and flaunted by Lucretius and his Enlightenment avatar, Diderot:
Most of the essays in this volume focus on the answers that have been given to this question, in different ways, with
In addition, Beate Ochsner provides a more synoptic view, with her reconstruction of the ‘word-history’ of ‘monster’, which is also a conceptual investigation. Considering the centrality of some of the figures discussed – Aristotle, Augustine, Montaigne, Locke, Leibniz and Diderot cannot be dismissed as cataloguers of anatomical wonders, like Gesner, Paré or Liceti – it may not be unreasonable to hope that the pairing of ‘monsters’ and ‘philosophy’ might shed new light on the history of the latter, no longer understood as a solitary, a priori enterprise, but as a more collective, more engagé contribution to the enterprise of deciphering the secrets of Nature. [1] This quotation is often found in French versions of Gramsci; the Quaderni del carcere, ed. V. Gerratana (Torino: Einaudi, 1975), III, § 34, do not speak of “monsters” but of “the most varied morbid phenomena.” [2] Katharine Park and Lorraine Daston, in their Wonders and the Order of Nature (New York: Zone Books, 1998), describe just such an experience as graduate students in a philosophy course: monsters seemed to loom larger than other, ‘classical’ contents of their reading assignments. [3] Changelings and drills abound in Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding, ed. P. Nidditch (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975), particularly book III, chapter vi, “Of the Names of Substances,” and book IV, chapter iv, “Of the Reality of Knowledge.” [4] Louis Guinard, Précis de tératologie: anomalies et monstruosités chez l'homme et chez les animaux (Paris: J.-B. Baillière, 1893), p. 5. [5] Céard, La nature et les prodiges: l’insolite au XVIe siècle en France (1977; 2nd edition, Geneva: Droz / Paris: Champion, 1996). [6] Chapter 5 (out of 6) of Jacob Rueff’s De conceptu et generatione hominis (1554) is devoted to all forms of ‘teratogenic’ development of the embryo; Ambroise Paré’s famous Des monstres et des prodiges is actually the sequel of an earlier work, De la génération de l’homme (they occupy books 25 and 24, respectively, of his Œuvres [Paris: Brion, 1628]). [7] Georges Canguilhem, “La monstruosité et le monstrueux,” in La connaissance de la vie (Paris: Vrin, 2nd revised edition, 1992), p. 171. [8] Charles Darwin, “1842 Sketch. On Selection under Domestication, Natural Selection, and Organic Beings in the Wild State,” in On Evolution, eds. T.F. Glick & D. Kohn (Indianapolis: Hackett, 1996), p. 94. [9] Boaistuau, Certaine secrete wonders of nature : containing a description of sundry strange things, seming monstrous in our eyes and iudgement, bicause we are not priuie to the reasons of them : gathered out of diuers learned authors as well Greeke as Latine, sacred as prophane, trans. E. Fenton (London: H. Bynnemann, 1569), p. 111v. [10] Aristotle, Generation of Animals IV.3, 767 b; see Johannes Fritsche’s essay “The Riddle of the Sphinx” in this volume. [11] Notably Claude-Claire Kappler’s Monstres, démons et merveilles à la fin du Moyen Age (Paris: Payot, 2nd edition, 1999). [12] The work of Alexandre Métraux and Annie Ibrahim, and discussions I have been privileged to have with them, strengthened this realization. [13] Fontenelle, Histoire de l’Académie des Sciences de Paris (1703), p. 28. [14] Gustave Flaubert, La tentation de saint Antoine, ch. 7, in Œuvres complètes, vol. 4 (Paris: Louis Conard, 1910), p. 187. This passage is discussed with a different emphasis in the opening chapter of David Williams’ Deformed Discourse. The Monster in Medieval Thought (Toronto: McGill-Queens University Press, 1999).
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